Analysis: The Structural Redesign of Security in Mexico 2024

by Jonathan Maza

Mexico City, December 11, 2024

Article originally published in The Wilson Center.

Mexico remains in a prolonged period of security instability. The greatest challenge facing the current political regime is to pacify the country and regain territorial control, which has been contested by various criminal organizations. This is happening amid profound changes and transformations in the political regime and the Constitution itself.

Below is a brief analysis of the recent constitutional reforms, their impacts on the Mexican government’s security strategy, and the implications for the bilateral security relationship between Mexico and the United States. 

Constitutional Reform: A Significant Shift in the Security Model

Mexico is transitioning to a centralized security model characterized by a civil-military institutional framework, where the federal government is increasingly consolidating legal authority, responsibilities, and budgetary control over states and municipalities. The Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection (SSPC) has become a key institution, acquiring new powers and capabilities that enable the Federal Executive Branch to oversee resources, criminal investigations, and intelligence for national security.

Recent reforms to Article 21 of the Mexican Constitution[1] and the Organic Law of the Federal Public Administration[2] mark a critical shift in the institutional framework for public and national security. The SSPC and its leadership now centralize and coordinate intelligence generated by civil and military agencies. Additionally, the SSPC has been granted authority to investigate crimes in collaboration with the Public Prosecutor’s Office—a role it shares with the National Guard (GN) and local police forces.

The SSPC is responsible for developing and leading the National Public Security Strategy, as well as public security programs and policies. It also coordinates and leads joint operations with all public security institutions nationwide. Working alongside the Attorney General’s Office (FGR), it executes arrest warrants with the support of the armed forces, including the GN. The National Guard, no longer under the SSPC, has been transferred to the Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA). As per the constitutional reform of September 30, 2024, the National Guard is now both a public security force and a new branch of the armed forces[3].

To fulfill these responsibilities and lead the country’s security and intelligence efforts, a new Subsecretariat for Intelligence and Police Investigation has been established. It appears that the National Intelligence Center (CNI) will be reoriented to focus more on public and internal security intelligence at the expense of national security priorities.

Through the Executive Secretariat of the National Public Security System, the federal government will gain greater control over states and municipalities in security matters. By having the authority to establish guidelines, standardize protocols, and audit as well as oversee the allocation of resources, it ensures compliance with the operational functions of public security institutions and the police forces at both state and municipal levels.

This redesign aims to strengthen the Mexican government’s capacity to combat organized crime, which has infiltrated hundreds of local police forces and corrupted municipal governments. By integrating intelligence into criminal investigations, the goal is to prosecute cases based on information from both civil and military agencies. An example of this new “coordination” is the recent “Operación Enjambre” (“Swarm“ Operation) conducted on November 22, 2024, in the State of Mexico. Using shared intelligence, authorities arrested 24 public officials, including a municipal president and several directors of public security from 12 municipalities. These individuals were linked to criminal organizations such as the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, La Familia Michoacana, and others.

With these new powers, the SSPC has become a kind of super-ministry, resembling a hybrid between an Office of National Intelligence and a Department of Justice. It leads intelligence integration and investigates and executes arrest warrants but does not have prosecutorial authority. In theory, this model could enhance the effectiveness of security operations by allowing the SSPC to take an active and strategic role. However, its implementation raises questions about potential challenges and repercussions.

Centralization may impact Mexico’s security strategy by increasing tensions among the country’s security agencies, which have historically operated autonomously with varying levels of coordination. Potential risks include the growing militarization of public security policies and the blurring of lines between public and national security—issues that could provoke resistance from civil institutions and national and international human rights organizations.

Finally, Mexico’s security redesign is likely to impact its relationship with the United States by reconfiguring cooperation channels. This has already generated tensions over intelligence sharing and is expected to further highlight differences in security approaches. The centralization of the SSPC and its operational reliance on the armed forces have raised concerns among U.S. security agencies about Mexico’s ability to address critical issues such as the increasing influence of organized crime and border security. These dynamics have complicated operational collaboration, particularly in sensitive areas such as fentanyl trafficking, arms smuggling, and human trafficking. As a result, a recalibration of objectives and protocols between the two countries will be necessary to strengthen strategic cooperation. 


[1] Initiative presented by the President of Mexico, Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, before the Senate of the Republic on October 30, 2024.

[2] DECREE amending, supplementing, and repealing various provisions of the Organic Law of the Federal Public Administration. Published in the Official Gazette of the Federation on November 28, 2024.

[3] DECREE amending and supplementing Articles 13, 16, 21, 32, 55, 73, 76, 78, 82, 89, 123, and 129 of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, concerning the National Guard. Published in the Official Gazette of the Federation on September 30, 2024.

Analysis of the New Security Strategy of the Government of Mexico: Challenges and Perspectives

Por Jonathan Maza

On October 8, 2024, President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo’s government presented its new Security Strategy, a plan aimed at confronting the growing violence and organized crime in Mexico. This strategy intends to continue the efforts of her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, but with a renewed focus that emphasizes the centralization of coordination and cooperation between security forces and the pursuit of solutions to the social and economic causes of crime.

Objectives and Pillars of the Strategy

The main objective of the new strategy is to reduce high-impact crimes such as homicides, kidnappings, and extortions linked to organized crime. Citizen security, especially in high-risk areas, will be a priority. The need to strengthen the National Guard is emphasized, while also promoting a more integrated approach to addressing the roots of crime.

The strategy is based on three key objectives and four pillars:

  1. Decrease High-Impact Crimes: Violence linked to organized crime, such as homicides and kidnappings, is the primary target. Special attention will also be paid to crimes like extortion and highway robbery.
  2. Neutralize Violence Generators: This involves focusing on criminal networks and the main actors responsible for violence in each of the 32 states. High-crime areas will be the focus of more intensive security operations.
  3. Strengthen Local Prevention: Prevention will be key in the fight against crime, with an emphasis on strengthening the capabilities of local police to improve proximity to the community.
  4. Address the Social and Economic Causes of Crime: Social programs like «Youth Building the Future» will continue, and efforts will be made to involve all sectors of government to create viable alternatives for young people at risk of joining criminal groups.
Consolidation of the National Guard and Armed Forces

One of the most significant measures in this strategy is the transfer of the National Guard (GN) to the control of the Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA), which will consolidate the military presence in public security. This move has generated controversy due to concerns from certain sectors about the militarization of security functions, which could lead to greater use of force and an increase in confrontations with criminal organizations.

However, the National Guard has also taken on criminal investigation functions as an auxiliary to the Federal Attorney General’s Office (FGR), and significant efforts are being made to professionalize and train its personnel to act more efficiently and professionally.

Strengthening Intelligence and Interinstitutional Coordination

The success of this strategy will largely depend on the government’s ability to coordinate its efforts at various levels. The creation of the National Intelligence System and the strengthening of the capabilities of the National Intelligence Center (CNI) are crucial steps to integrate information from various security agencies, such as the Ministry of Defense (SEDENA), the Navy (SEMAR), the SSPC, the FGR, and state prosecutors.

One of the key aspects of this approach is coordination between federal and state security forces, which will enable a more effective response to the challenges posed by organized crime, especially in regions like the northern border, which faces specific challenges due to violence and drug trafficking.

Challenges and Criticisms of the Strategy

Despite the good intentions, the new strategy faces several structural and operational challenges. First, the operational dependence on military capacities for public security raises concerns about the effectiveness of results in building a public security environment and the potential violation of human rights, a recurring issue during López Obrador’s administration. The growing role of the Armed Forces, both in controlling the National Guard and executing security operations, could lead to greater confrontation with criminal groups, increasing violence and collateral damage in areas already affected by crime.

Another concern is the inefficiency of social programs. Despite efforts to offer alternatives to vulnerable young people, the economic incentives from social programs have not significantly reduced crime rates. There is a risk that criminal organizations and their families may exploit these resources, perpetuating the cycle of violence rather than breaking it.

Furthermore, the restructuring of security and intelligence institutions could lead to coordination problems between various agencies, potentially affecting the flow of information and overall efficiency.

Impact on the Northern Border

One of the most affected states will be Baja California, which, in 2024, recorded one of the highest rates of intentional homicides in Mexico. Territorial disputes between cartels such as the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel are the primary causes of this violence. While the region has received a historic investment of 280.4 million pesos for public security, the conditions along the Baja California-Sonora border remain complex, especially in areas like the Mexicali Valley, where violence persists.

The strategy should focus on strengthening coordination between federal and local authorities, especially in high-risk areas, to improve effectiveness in the fight against organized crime.

Conclusion

The new Security Strategy of the Government of Mexico has the potential to be a positive step toward reducing violence in the country, but it depends on its correct implementation and the government’s ability to overcome the many challenges it faces. The operational dependence on the Armed Forces, the inefficiency of social programs, and interinstitutional coordination are just some of the obstacles that could limit its success.

As President Sheinbaum has already proposed, an integrated approach is necessary that not only focuses on repressive action but also addresses the root causes of violence and crime, including poverty, lack of opportunities, and corruption at all levels of government. Only then will it be possible to create a safer Mexico with greater social justice.

Análisis de la nueva Estrategia de Seguridad del Gobierno de México: Desafíos y Perspectivas

Por Jonathan Maza

El 8 de octubre de 2024, el gobierno de la presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo presentó su nueva Estrategia de Seguridad, un plan que busca enfrentar la creciente violencia y el crimen organizado en México. Esta estrategia se propone continuar los esfuerzos de su predecesor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, pero con un enfoque renovado que destaca la centralización de la coordinación y cooperación entre las fuerzas de seguridad y la búsqueda de soluciones a las causas sociales y económicas del crimen.

Objetivos y Pilares de la Estrategia

El principal objetivo de la nueva estrategia es reducir los crímenes de alto impacto, tales como homicidios, secuestros y extorsiones, vinculados al crimen organizado. La seguridad de los ciudadanos, especialmente en áreas de alto riesgo, será una prioridad. Se enfatiza la necesidad de fortalecer la Guardia Nacional, a la vez que se promueve un enfoque más integral para abordar las raíces del crimen.

La estrategia se basa en tres objetivos clave y cuatro pilares:

  1. Disminuir los crímenes de alto impacto: La violencia vinculada al crimen organizado, como los homicidios y los secuestros, son el blanco principal. Además, se pondrá especial atención a delitos como la extorsión y el robo de carreteras.
  2. Neutralizar los generadores de violencia: Esto implica centrarse en las redes criminales y los principales actores responsables de la violencia en cada uno de los 32 estados del país. Las áreas de alta criminalidad serán el foco de operaciones de seguridad más intensas.
  3. Fortalecer la prevención local: La prevención será clave en la lucha contra el crimen, con énfasis en fortalecer las capacidades de la policía local para mejorar la proximidad con la comunidad.
  4. Abordar las causas sociales y económicas del crimen: Se continuará con programas sociales como «Jóvenes Construyendo el Futuro» y se buscará involucrar a todos los sectores del gobierno para crear alternativas viables para los jóvenes en riesgo de unirse a grupos delictivos.
Consolidación de la Guardia Nacional y Fuerzas Armadas

Una de las medidas más significativas de esta estrategia es la transferencia de la Guardia Nacional (GN) al control de la Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional (SEDENA), lo que consolidará la presencia militar en el ámbito de la seguridad pública. Este movimiento ha generado controversia debido a los señalamientos de algunos sectores sobre una militarización de las funciones de seguridad, lo que podría traducirse en un mayor uso de la fuerza y en un incremento de enfrentamientos con organizaciones criminales.

No obstante, la Guardia Nacional también asumió funciones de investigación criminal como auxiliar de la Fiscalía General de la República (FGR), y se están realizando esfuerzos importantes por profesionalizar y capacitar a sus elementos para que actúen de forma más eficiente y profesional.

Fortalecimiento de la Inteligencia y la Coordinación Interinstitucional

El éxito de esta estrategia dependerá en gran medida de la capacidad del gobierno para coordinar sus esfuerzos en diversos niveles. La creación del Sistema Nacional de Inteligencia y el fortalecimiento de las capacidades del Centro Nacional de Inteligencia (CNI) son pasos cruciales para integrar la información de las diversas agencias de seguridad, como Defensa (SEDENA), Marina (SEMAR), la SSPC, la FGR y las fiscalías estatales.

Una de las claves de este enfoque es la coordinación entre las fuerzas de seguridad federales y estatales, lo que permitirá una respuesta más eficaz ante los retos del crimen organizado, especialmente en regiones como la frontera norte, que enfrenta desafíos específicos debido a la violencia y el narcotráfico.

Desafíos y Críticas a la Estrategia

A pesar de las buenas intenciones, la nueva estrategia enfrenta varios desafíos estructurales y operativos. En primer lugar, la dependencia operativa de la seguridad pública en las capacidades militares genera preocupaciones sobre la eficacia de los resultados en la construcción de un entorno de seguridad pública y la posible vulneración de derechos humanos, un tema que ha sido recurrente durante la administración de López Obrador. El rol creciente de las Fuerzas Armadas, tanto en el control de la Guardia Nacional como en la ejecución de operaciones de seguridad, podría llevar a una mayor confrontación con los grupos criminales, aumentando la violencia y los daños colaterales en zonas ya afectadas por el crimen.

Otro aspecto que genera inquietud es la ineficiencia de los programas sociales. A pesar de los esfuerzos por ofrecer alternativas a los jóvenes vulnerables, los incentivos económicos de los programas sociales no han logrado reducir de manera significativa las tasas de criminalidad. Existe el riesgo de que los recursos sean aprovechados por las organizaciones delictivas y sus familiares, perpetuando el ciclo de violencia en lugar de romperlo.

Asimismo, la reestructuración de las instituciones de seguridad e inteligencia podría generar problemas de coordinación entre las diversas agencias, con el riesgo de que el flujo de información no sea tan eficiente como se espera.

Impacto en la Frontera Norte

Uno de los estados más afectados por esta estrategia será Baja California, que, en 2024, registró una de las tasas más altas de homicidios intencionales. Las disputas territoriales entre cárteles como el de Sinaloa y el Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación son una de las principales causas de esta violencia. Aunque la región ha recibido una inversión histórica de 280.4 millones de pesos para seguridad pública, las condiciones de la frontera siguen siendo complejas, especialmente en áreas como el Valle de Mexicali, donde la violencia persiste.

La estrategia deberá enfocarse en fortalecer la coordinación entre las autoridades federales y locales, especialmente en zonas de alto riesgo, para mejorar la eficacia en el combate al crimen organizado.

Conclusión

La nueva Estrategia de Seguridad del Gobierno de México tiene el potencial de ser un paso positivo hacia la reducción de la violencia en el país, pero depende de su correcta implementación y de la capacidad del gobierno para superar los numerosos desafíos que enfrenta. La dependencia operativa de la seguridad en las fuerzas armadas, la falta de eficacia de los programas sociales y la coordinación interinstitucional son solo algunos de los obstáculos que podrían limitar su éxito.

Es necesario, como ya lo ha planteado la presidenta Sheinbaum, un enfoque integral que no solo se enfoque en la acción represiva, sino que también aborde las causas profundas de la violencia y el crimen, incluyendo la pobreza, la falta de oportunidades y la corrupción en todos los niveles del gobierno. Solo entonces será posible crear un México más seguro y con una mayor justicia social.